Uriel Cohen Priva

2026 Recipient Matthew Goldrick Northwestern University The recipient of the 7th Jeffrey L. Elman Prize for Scientific Achievement and Community Building is Matthew Goldrick. This honor will be celebrated at the CogSci 2026 conference with a prize and dedicated symposium. Biography Matthew Goldrick holds a BA, MA, and PhD in Cognitive Science from the Johns Hopkins University and was a postdoctoral fellow in the Department of Cognitive and Linguistic Sciences at Brown University. He is currently Professor of Linguistics and, by courtesy, Psychology at Northwestern University, where he serves as Director of the Cognitive Science Program.

Congratulations @mattgoldrick.bsky.social for winning the Elman Prize! Very well-deserved

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That's the reason I hardly ever visit the site. Very little about linguistics compared to Twitter, where I actually had some discourse.

Also -- the supplementary materials provide code that lets you align underlying Buckeye corpus with its surface forms

Predictability Affects Spoken Phonological Systems Indirectly The last three decades have seen a large increase in attempts to explain phonetic and phonological patterns using information theoretic properties such as frequency and predictability. One recurring ...

For example: voiced stops and voiceless fricatives typically provide more information than voiceless stops, yet voiceless stops often lenite to voiced stops and voiceless fricatives.
Real all about it:
doi.org/10.1111/lnc3...

New paper in Language and Linguistics Compass! I argue that we can't claim that consonant lenition follows directly from low-information, because many such processes would be be counter-optimizing. But indirect lenition via duration reduction is still possible. I argue for the opposite in my PhD.

They're not "the same", and they are usually off by some linear operation, but the fact that they are not normally distributed simply doesn't matter

The R code shown is: g <- 1:200 |> as.character() g.x <- 2**rnorm(length(g)) n <- 10**4 y <- rnorm(n) + g.x d <- data.frame(y, g) m.lmer <- lmer(y ~ 0 + (1 | g), d) m.lm <- lm(y ~ 0 + g, d) cor(coefficients(m.lm), ranef(m.lmer)$g[,1]) and the result is 1 (the two perfectly match)

The following R code: g <- 1:200 |> as.character() g.x <- runif(length(g)) n <- 10**4 y <- rnorm(n) + g.x d <- data.frame(y, g) m.lmer <- lmer(y ~ 0 + (1 | g), d) m.lm <- lm(y ~ 0 + g, d) cor(coefficients(m.lm), ranef(m.lmer)$g[,1]) The result is again 1

R code: g <- 1:200 |> as.character() g.x <- c(runif(length(g)/2, 1000, 1100), runif(length(g)/2, 0, 100)) n <- 10**4 y <- rnorm(n) + g.x d <- data.frame(y, g) m.lmer <- lmer(y ~ 0 + (1 | g), d) m.lm <- lm(y ~ 0 + g, d) cor(coefficients(m.lm), ranef(m.lmer)$g[,1]) Again, the correlation is 1, despite the very non-normal distribution

Linguists seem to believe that modeling an effect using random effects causes the estimation to be very different than using fixed effects, because random effects are assumed to be normally distributed. Usually, the estimates are (almost) identical, regardless of the actual distribution.

Ian Maddieson at Berkeley Linguistics' commencement, with Rebecca Cover and Charles Chang

So sad to hear of Ian Maddieson's passing. He was an amazing linguist but also an inspiring instructor and a big part of why I went into phonetics. I've always been in awe of the depth and breadth of his knowledge of the most obscure languages and will miss his kindness and wit. RIP, Ian~ 🐦🐦

Contrastive vowel length and segment duration in production and perception in Djambarrpuyŋu This paper deals with segment duration and phonological length in production and perception in the Australian language Djambarrpuyŋu. It provides an acoustic phonetic account of vowel and consonant du...

New #labphon publication out today. I was happy to help this one along.

www.journal-labphon.org/article/id/1...

🪬🪬🪬 that's early!

Her 8yo bilingualness:

/hameil oʊnli χosemz et hakor/
'the-coat only blocks+z ACC the-cold'

That's a double decker code switch

זה קרה בפלורנטין ואת משת"פית של לוינסון?

Thanks for revitalizing it, it's really a must read material for everyone, not just linguists. I just told my kids about it this morning. They were very impressed.

I will assign the bunny paper next time I teach intro. Thanks for that!

May his memory be a blessing (evidently it already is)

You can now share our Linguist List post as well!

Open area Visiting Assistant Professor at Brown, deadline February first

linguistlist.org/issues/35-35...

Brown's Program in Linguistics (that us!) is searching for a Visiting Assistant Professor (open field). One year appointment, possibly renewable, 2:2 teaching load, February 1st deadline

Please apply / retweet / forward

Email me if you have any questions

apply.interfolio.com/160337

The search for new (co-)editor of Language has started! Please circulate widely. And do reach out if you have questions and/or are interested in applying. I did this job for six years — it was hard work, but also very rewarding.

Congratulations!

Goodness, you had to ruin this website too.

היא צודקת, זה ממש קשה. הבעיה היא שישראל עוזבת אותה.

באיזה שהוא שלב שלחנו אותה עם חטיף אנרגיה של נייצ'ר וואלי, אבל היא חזרה מורעבת כי נאלצה לחלוק עם החברות.

There's no symbol for uvular approximants in the IPA. How about /ᴙ/?

יוגורט קטן עם קצת סוכר לבזוק ולערבב (קטנטנתי אוהבת)

הילדה קדושה

A density plot of schwa (second vowel in "adult") and the wedge vowel (the first vowel in "adult"), showing that the two are distinct, though of course there's some overlap.

xkcd.com/386/ 🙂

גם אני!

A student once had me prove to the entire class that schwa and ʌ are not the same.

At some point my then 4-5 y/o decided that Hebrew is missing that process, and came up with /lop/ for /lo/ 'no'. Do other languages have it?

With my kids I find that the -le suffix enjoys like-minded company.

את יודעת שבגרמנית בן כלאיים זה בדיוק איך שקראו למישהו עם דם יהודי? Mischling. יצאת אנטישמית, תתביישי.